Иностранный язык в социокультурном контексте

МИНИСТЕРСТВО НАУКИ И ВЫСШЕГО ОБРАЗОВАНИЯ

РОССИЙСКОЙ ФЕДЕРАЦИИ 
Федеральное государственное бюджетное образовательное 
 учреждение высшего образования 
«РОССИЙКИЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННЫЙ  
ГУМАНИТАРНЫЙ УНИВЕРСИТЕТ» 
ИСТОРИКО-АРХИВНЫЙ ИНСТИТУТ 
Факультет международных отношений,  

политологии и зарубежного регионоведения 
                               Кафедра иностранных языков 
 
 
MINISTRY OF SCIENCE AND HIGHER EDUCATION  
OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 
Federal state budgetary educational institution 

 of higher education  
"RUSSIAN STATE UNIVERSITY  
FOR THE HUMANITIES"  

INSTITUTE FOR HISTORY AND ARCHIVES

Faculty of international relations,
political science and area studies 

Foreign languages department 

Foreign language in a socio-cultural context

Collection of articles

based on the student scientific seminars

Moscow 2022

Иностранный язык 

в социокультурном контексте

Сборник статей

по материалам студенческих научных семинаров

Москва
2022

УДК 811(08)
ББК 81.2я43
И68

Под редакцией первого проректора –

проректора по научной работе О.В. Павленко

профессора, кандидата исторических наук 

, 

Материалы публикуются в авторской редакции

© Российский государственный

ISBN 978-5-7281-3093-2
гуманитарный университет, 2022

Редакционная коллегия

И.Р. Болквадзе, канд. экон. наук, проректор по административной
и социальной работе РГГУ
Н.А. Борисов, д-р полит.  наук, доцент, начальник Управления
по научной работе РГГУ
Е.М. Кожокин, д-р ист. наук, профессор, декан факультета международных 
отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ
В.И. Журавлева, д-р ист. наук, профессор, замдекана по научной работе,
завкафедрой американских исследований факультета международных 
отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ
Л.А. Халилова, канд. филол. наук, профессор, завкафедрой иностранных языков 
факультета международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного 
регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ
И.Б. Антонова, канд. пед. наук, профессор кафедры иностранных языков 
факультета международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного 
регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ
Т.В. Баранова, канд. пед. наук, доцент, доцент кафедры иностранных языков 
факультета международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного 
регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ
П.А. Анисимов, замдекана по работе со студентами факультета международных 
отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ, 
преподаватель кафедры зарубежного регионоведения и внешней политики 
факультета международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного 
регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ
Т.А. Маркелова, ст. преподаватель кафедры иностранных языков факультета 
международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения ИАИ 
РГГУ
С.Ж. Умарканова, ст. преподаватель кафедры иностранных языков факультета 
международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения ИАИ 
РГГУ (отв. за выпуск)
Е.Н. Гурьянова, ст. преподаватель кафедры иностранных языков факультета 
международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного регионоведения ИАИ 
РГГУ
Р.А. Гейзерская, канд. пед. наук, доцент, доцент кафедры иностранных языков 
факультета международных отношений, политологии и зарубежного 
регионоведения ИАИ РГГУ

Contents

S.M. Agamaliev, E.N. Guryanova
Conflict between Turkey and Greece in Cyprus. Operation Attila.....14

J.P. Briukhova,R.A. Geyzerskaya
Preconditions for establishing cooperation
between the PRC and the United States in 1970s..............................25

A. A. Fedoseeva,R.A. Geyzerskaya
The evolution of Russian-Chinese strategic cooperation
at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries..................................................37

P.S. Galyukova, R.A. Geyzerskaya
National conflicts in the German Empire 
at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries..............................................47

K.R. Grigoreva, E.Yu. Seyku
The first opium war in China..............................................................62

G. A. Khoroshevsky, L. A. Khalilova
Russian-German relations within the context
of the 2021 Bundestag elections.........................................................73

D.A. Knyazev, R.A. Geyzerskaya
The oppositional political culture of China and its features
in 1900-1912......................................................................................84

V.A. Kretov, A.A. Pyatunina
Ukrainian Historiography in the US and Canada
and the Modernist Turn in Studies of East Slavs
in the Austrian Empire (in German)...................................................93

I.R. Martynenko, A.A. Pyatunina
Participation of the German armed forces
in the combat operations of the international coalition forces
in Afghanistan (2001-2021) (in German).........................................105

S.V. Melnikova, I.V. Ganzhara
The position of the English language in India and Singapore..........114

E.I.Mikheeva-Demina, E.N. Guryanova
The New Silk Road and its impact on China's foreign policy..........124

V.S. Moiseeva, E.Yu. Seyku
Formation of the Versailles-Washington system
of international relations..................................................................135

E.M. Nesterenko, E.Yu. Seyku
Apple’s environmental policy and its influence
on the company’s financial performance.........................................145

M. O. Neumytaya, R.A. Geyzerskaya
The evolution of Soviet-Chinese relations:
from friendship to confrontation......................................................156

K.A. Panfilova, R.A. Geyzerskaya
China's relationship with the nomadic world
in the early Middle Ages .................................................................168

A.A. Polishchuk, A.V. Kolosova
Foreign policy of Emmanuel Macron 
in the early years of the presidency (in French)...............................179

A.S. Popkova, N.V. Bannikova
Political propaganda on the example of Catalonia’s struggle
for the independence.........................................................................189

E.N. Prokhorova, T.A. Markelova 
Contemporary art of interviewing and the basic principles
of Larry King's work ........................................................................200

A.M. Riabchukova, T.V. Baranova
The history of the Chinese
"One Belt, One Road" initiative's development in Africa ................210

R. R. Romanov, L. A. Khalilova
Decision 2024: Trump is still here ...................................................219

R. R. Romanov, L. A. Khalilova
The “White elephant” of the U.S. foreign policy .............................233

A.A. Romanyuta, S.A. Voronova
The investment activity of Austrian companies in Russia
(in German) ......................................................................................248

A.A. Sharova, T.V. Baranova
Beijing Opera as a part of China's Cultural Policy...........................259

D.Z. Sharyafetdinova, S. Zh. Umarkanova
Hiroshima and Nagasaki: the first usage
of nuclear bomb for military purposes .............................................268

A.S. Tikhonov, A.A. Pyatunina
Evolution of Russian-German naval cooperation 
at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries (in German).....................279

P.M. Tikhonova, E.N. Guryanova
The resistance movement in the Netherlands...................................290

O.I. Tsapenko, S.A. Voronova
«Nord Stream 2» as a path of rapprochement
between Russia and Germany (in German).....................................300

S.A. Tsyplukhin, A.A. Pyatunina
The EU policy towards the Russian Federation.
The ways of further development of international relations
between Russia and Western countries (in German).......................311

D.A.Usova,I.V. Ganzhara
The international significance of the Arctic .....................................324

A.V. Yakushin, E.Yu. Seyku
Business dialogue and investment programs
in the 1990s between the USA and the Russian Federation.............333

Y.A. Zemskova, R.A. Geyzerskaya
The foreign policy of Bismarck: 
the course towards the isolation of France
and the intention for rapprochement with Austria-Hungary............344

Содержание

С.М. Агамалиев, Е.Н. Гурьянова
Кипрский конфликт. Операция «Аттила»......................................14

Ю. П. Брюхова, Р.А. Гейзерская
Предпосылки для налаживания сотрудничества
между КНР и Соединенными Штатами  в 1970-е гг.....................25

А.А. Федосеева, Р.А. Гейзерская
Эволюция российско-китайского
стратегического сотрудничества на рубеже XX–XXI вв..............37

П.С. Галюкова, Р.А. Гейзерская
Национальные противоречия в Германской империи
на рубеже 19–20 вв...........................................................................47

К.Р. Григорьева, Е.Ю. Сейку
Первая опиумная война в Китае .....................................................62

Г. А. Хорошевский, Л.А. Халилова
Российско-германские отношения 
в контексте выборов в Бундестаг 2021 гг.......................................73

Д. А. Князев, Р.А. Гейзерская
Оппозиционная политическая культура Китая 
и ее особенности в 1900–1912 годах...............................................84

В.А. Кретов, А.А. Пятунина
Украинская историография в США и Канаде
и модернистский поворот в изучении восточных славян 
в Австрийской империи...................................................................93

И.Р. Мартыненко, А.А. Пятунина
Участие вооруженных сил ФРГ
в боевых действиях международных коалиционных сил
в Афганистане(2001–2021) ...........................................................105

С.В. Мельникова, И.В. Ганжара
Положение английского языка в Индии и Сингапуре ................114

Е. И. Михеева-Демина, Е.Н. Гурьянова
Новый Шелковый путь
и его влияние на внешнюю политику КНР.................................124

В. С. Моисеева, Е.Ю. Сейку
Формирование Версальско-Вашингтонской системы 
международных отношений ..........................................................135

Е.М. Нестеренко, Е.Ю. Сейку
Экологическая политика Apple и ее влияние
на финансовые показатели компании..........................................145

М. О. Неумытая, Р.А. Гейзерская
Эволюция советско-китайских отношений: 
от дружбы до противостояния ......................................................156

К. А. Панфилова, Р.А. Гейзерская
Взаимоотношения Китая с кочевым миром
в эпоху Раннего Средневековья ...................................................168

А.А. Полищук, А.В. Колосова
Внешняя политика Эммануэля Макрона 
в первые годы президентства ........................................................179

А.С. Попкова, Н.В. Банникова
Политическая пропаганда
на примере борьбы за независимость Каталонии........................189

Е. Н. Прохорова, Т.А. Маркелова
Современное искусство интервьюирования
и основные принципы работы Ларри Кинга................................200

А.М. Рябчукова, Т.В. Баранова
История развития китайской инициативы
«Один Пояс, Один Путь» в Африке  ............................................210

Р. Р. Романов, Л.А. Халилова
Решение, которое предстоит принять в 2024 году: 
Трамп все еще здесь .......................................................................219

Р. Р. Романов, Л.А. Халилова 
«Белый слон» внешней политики США.......................................233

А.А. Романюта, С.А. Воронова
Инвестиционная деятельность 
австрийских компаний  в России..................................................248

А.А. Шарова, Т.В. Баранова
Пекинская опера в рамках культурной политики Китая ............259

Д.З. Шаряфетдинова, С.Ж. Умарканова
Хиросима и Нагасаки: первое использование
ядерной бомбы в военных целях...................................................268

А.С. Тихонов, А.А. Пятунина
Эволюция русско-германских военно-морского
сотрудничества на рубеже XIX–XX веков...................................279

П.М. Тихонова, Е.Н. Гурьянова
Движение Сопротивления в Нидерландах...................................290

А.И. Цапенко, С.А. Воронова
«Северный поток-2» 
как путь к сближению России и Германии ..................................300

С.А. Цыплухин, А.А. Пятунина
Политика Евросоюза по отношению
к Российской Федерации. 
Пути дальнейшего развития международных отношений
России со странами Запада............................................................311

Д.А.Усова, И.В. Ганжара
Международное значение Арктики..............................................324

А.В. Якушин, Е.Ю. Сейку
Бизнес-диалог и инвестиционные программы
в 1990-х годах между США и РФ .................................................333

Ю.А. Земскова, Р.А. Гейзерская
Внешняя политика Бисмарка: курс на изоляцию Франции 
и стремление к сближению с Австро-Венгрией..........................344

Conflict between Turkey and Greece in Cyprus. Operation Attila

S.M. Agamaliev

2nd year master’s degree student,

faculty of international relations, political science and area studies,

Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow

E.N. Guryanova

senior lecturer, foreign languages department,

faculty of international relations, political science and area studies,

Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow

Abstract. This article is devoted to the foreign policy analysis on the 

subject of the conflict on the island of Cyprus between the Republic of Turkey 
and Greece. Since 1974, when Turkey occupied the northern part of the island, 
the conflict has not gotten off the ground and has been frozen to this day. On 
the one hand, Turkey has recognized the independence of 30% of the northern 
part of the island and appeals to the principle of self-determination of peoples 
(in this case, the Turkish Cypriots), on the other, Greece, that controls the south 
of the island, adheres to the principle of the territorial integrity of Cyprus. The 
author questions whether is it possible to solve this problem and bring the 
parties to the negotiating table, or whether the problem remains unresolved for 
a long time to come. Also, he is trying to find out if Turkey is a threat to the 
Greek Cypriots and if the island's reunification is possible.

Keywords: Turkish Cypriots, Greek Cypriots, Turkish Republic of 

Northern Cyprus, Operation Attila

Кипрский конфликт. Операция «Аттила»

С.М. Агамалиев

студент 2-го курса магистратуры

факультета международных отношений, политологии

и зарубежного регионоведения,

Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, Москва

Е.Н. Гурьянова

cт. преподаватель кафедры иностранных языков

_____________

© Агамалиев С.М., Гурьянова Е.Н., 2022

факультета международных отношений, политологии

и зарубежного регионоведения,

Российский государственный гуманитарный университет, Москва

Аннотация.  Данная статья посвящена внешнеполитическому 

анализу конфликта на острове Кипр между Турецкой республикой и 
Грецией. С того момента, как Турция оккупировала северную часть 
острова в 1974 году, конфликт не сдвинулся с мертвой точки и заморожен 
по сей день. С одной стороны Турция, признавшая независимость 30% 
северной части острова, апеллирует к праву народов на самоопределение 
(в данном случае турок-киприотов), с другой стороны, контролирующая 
юг острова Греция, придерживается принципа территориальной 
целостности Кипра. Возможно ли решение данной проблемы и усадить 
стороны за стол переговоров или проблема останется не решенной еще 
на долгую перспективу? Является ли Турция угрозой для греков-
киприотов и возможно ли воссоединение острова?

Ключевые слова: турки-киприоты, греки-киприоты, Турецкая 

Республика Северного Кипра, Операция «Аттила»

What is the enmity between Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots?

Looking at the map, one can see that the small island of Cyprus 

in the Mediterranean is divided into two parts. Northern Cyprus is an 
unofficially recognized state, the legitimacy of which is officially 
supported only by the Republic of Turkey. Whereas, South Cyprus, 
according to all internationally recognized principles, should have 

sovereignty over the entire island [Anisimov 1986].

This is a paragon of a typical conflict in which two principles 

of international law collide. Each side considers itself legally right and 
does not agree to compromise. Even the decisions adopted by the UN 
resolution and the peacekeepers introduced into the conflict zone did 
not manage to resolve the conflict between the two countries, but, on 
the contrary, froze it. The parties are waiting for the right moment to hit 

each other at the right moment for them [Badtiev 1995].

Cyprus for Greece and Turkey has a certain symbolic, historical 

and cultural significance for both peoples. In case of Greece, Cyprus is 

a historically Athenian controlled territory that was conquered by the 
Ottoman Sultans. The Greeks believe that the Ottoman rulers 
deliberately converted the island from the moment of its conquest, and 
destroyed the Greek architectural places of interest. There are many 
architectural monuments of the ancient Greek period in Cyprus 

[Badtiev 1995, pp. 113-120]. For example, one of the key cities is the 
ancient city of Paphos, which is a UNESCO heritage site. Also 
important for the Greeks seems to be the Church with paintings in the 
Troodos region and the Neolithic settlement of Choirokitia.

The importance of Cyprus to Turkey should also be considered. 

First, the Turks have controlled the island, reclaimed from the Greeks, 
for more than 3 centuries. As a result, a significant part of the island 
began to accept the Ottoman culture, language and Muslim faith. 
Secondly, in Cyprus, in addition to the Greek holy places, there are also 
Turkish mosques. The most famous is the Hala Sultan Tekke Mosque. 
Finally, Turkey follows the testament of its first president and creator 
of the Turkish Republic - Mustafa Kemal Ataturk. He said those famous 
words of his: "My people! Keep and protect Cyprus, it is very important 
for the future of our country!" 

However, in addition to such obvious facts, there are also indirect 

reasons for the struggle of countries for Cyprus. The most important is 
a geopolitical victory. Control over the entire territory of the island 
allows one of the warring parties to have certain preferences in the 
Mediterranean Sea (mainly mining in water areas), as well as to 
completely control the sea borders and create more convenient methods 
of trade with countries. A less important reason is the scoring of 
political rating points by the leaders of Turkey and Greece. Any leader 
of Greece has the opportunity to declare about the military 
modernization of his army, ready to defend the interests of Cyprus, and 
any leader of Turkey has preferences in the form of unofficial control 
of the northern part of the island. This state of affairs shows that both 
sides benefit from the Cyprus conflict, but total victory will provide a 
solution to the conflict (from the position of the warring countries).

Cyprus, which was part of the British colonial possessions, 

gained independence on August 16, 1960. Under the agreements of 
1959 between Great Britain, Greece and Turkey, these countries were 
declared the guarantors of the "independence, territorial integrity and 
security" of Cyprus, which gave these states the opportunity to interfere 
in its internal affairs ("Treaty of guarantees"). Also, Great Britain 
retained the territory with an area of two large military bases – Dhekelia 
and Akrotiri in Cyprus, under its full sovereignty.

In November 1963, the President of Cyprus, Archbishop 

Makarios III, proposed constitutional amendments that discriminated 
against the Turkish community and were completely rejected by the 
leader of the Turkish Cypriot community, Vice President Dr. Kuchuk. 
Discrimination was based on the right to choose members in public 
office, artificially curtailing Turkish nationalist politicians. As a result, 
on December 21, 1963, in the Turkish quarter of Nicosia, there were 
clashes between Turkish Cypriots and the police in connection with the 
opposition to amendments to the constitution.

From that moment on, there were massive clashes, fights, 

deportations and other types of discrimination between the Greek and 
Turkish communities on the island. One of the largest was the "Bloody 
Christmas" of December 20-21, 1963, accompanied by intercommunal 
violence between Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots. During these 
events, a number of Turkish holy places, including mosques, were 
burned, and the houses of ordinary civilians were looted. That forced 
the Turks to leave the southern part of the island or even move to 
Turkey. The situation reached a critical point when on July 15, 1974, 
the nationalist wing of the Greek community of Cyprus staged a coup 
d'etat on the island, with slogans directed against the Turkish nation, led 
to the fact that Turkey took advantage of the opportunity to decide to 
launch an invasion of the northern part of the island.

Operation Atilla. Turkish victory in 1974

Based on the above-mentioned contradictions between the 

Greeks and Turks, from July 20 to August 18, 1974, the Turkish Armed 

Forces conducted a successful operation on the island of Cyprus. From 
25 to 30 July 1974, the First Geneva Conferences were called. Turkey, 
Greece and Great Britain participated there, and a decision was signed 
on the creation of the Greek and Turkish autonomies in Cyprus.

At first, the parties managed to come to a consensus and find 

common ground. Then on August 8, 1974, the Second Geneva Talks 
were planned, where the parties agreed to withdraw the Greek and 

Turkish forces in the combat zone [Egorov 1986]. However, both sides 
continued to besiege cities and capture the military, accusing them of 
violating each other's agreements.

The codename of invasion was chosen as "Operation Attila", in 

honor of the Hun ruler Attila. The operation involved about 3,000 
Turkish military, who turned the tide on the island and managed to 
achieve victory. On the night of August 14, 1974, having decided, 
Turkey, under the pretext that Greece is playing for time and does not 
intend to fulfill the conditions of the second negotiations, continues 
Operation Attila.

The Turkish Armed Forces began a larger scale operation. 

Immediately on the third day, about 38% of Cyprus territory was 
liberated from the Greek Cypriots. The reason for Turkey's victory lies 
in the country's stronger economic development in comparison with 
Greece, a large manpower, a more modernized army. However, victory 
in a war is not complete without sacrifice.

The war and the outcome of the operation led to the following:
1. The Turkish side lost about 500 soldiers and 1,500 wounded. 

Turkish Cypriots lost about 80 soldiers, 300 civilians. 1,500 wounded. 
Greece and Greek Cypriots together lost 4,000 soldiers and over 13,000 
wounded.

2. Turkey in the occupied territories proclaimed the formation of 

the "Cyprus Turkish Federated State" (November 15, 1983 renamed 
into "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus" and to this day it is called 
so)