Новый исторический вестник, 2018, № 2 (56)
Покупка
Основная коллекция
Тематика:
Общие работы по истории России
Издательство:
Издательство Ипполитова
Наименование: Новый исторический вестник
Год издания: 2018
Кол-во страниц: 184
Дополнительно
Тематика:
ББК:
УДК:
ГРНТИ:
Скопировать запись
Фрагмент текстового слоя документа размещен для индексирующих роботов.
Для полноценной работы с документом, пожалуйста, перейдите в
ридер.
THE NEW HISTORICAL BULLETIN № 2(56) 2018 Москва 2018
РОССИЙСКИЙ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННЫЙ ГУМАНИТАРНЫЙ УНИВЕРСИТЕТ ИСТОРИКО-АРХИВНЫЙ ИНСТИТУТ Журнал основан в 2000 г. ГЛАВНЫЙ РЕДАКТОР С.В. Карпенко РЕДАКЦИОННАЯ КОЛЛЕГИЯ О.Г. Буховец, В. Голдман, Н.Т. Ерегина, В.П. Зиновьев, В.Г. Корнелюк, Н.Г. Кулинич, А.М. Пашков, А.А. Симонов, В.Л. Успенский, Д. Фильцер, Л. Чех Ответственный секретарь П.Н. Лебедев Переводчики О.Н. Судакова, К.Дж. Сторэлла Обложка А. Надточенко Выходит 4 раза в год Адрес редакции: 121433, Москва, Б. Филевская, 69-2-67 Эл. почта: nivestnik@yandex.ru Сайт: www.nivestnik.ru Подписной индекс по каталогу «Урал-Пресс»: ВН002537 © Новый исторический вѣстникъ, 2018 © Редакция «Нового исторического вестника» ООО «Смелый дизайн», 2018 © Издательство Ипполитова, 2018
RUSSIAN STATE UNIVERSITY FOR THE HUMANITIES INSTITUTE FOR HISTORY AND ARCHIVES Founded in 2000 EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Sergey V. Karpenko EDITORIAL BOARD O. Bukhovets, L. Čech, N. Eregina, D. Filtzer, W. Goldman, V. Karnialiuk, N. Kulinich, A. Pashkov, A. Simonov, V. Uspensky, V. Zinoviev Executive Secretary P. Lebedev Translators O. Sudakova, C.J. Storella Cover Designer А. Nadtochenko Quarterly journal Address: 69-2-67, Bolshaya Filevskaya St., Moscow, Russia, 121433 «Ural-Press» Catalogue Subscription Index: ВН002537 © Novyy Istoricheskiy Vestnik, 2018 © Novyy Istoricheskiy Vestnik Editorial Staff LLC “Smelyi Dizayn”, 2018 © Ippolitov Publishing House, 2018
С О Д Е Р Ж А Н И Е Российская государственность Уколова В.И., Шкаренков П.П. Три Рима в российской политико-культурной традиции: Дискурс угрозы и культурный трансфер................................................................................................6 Попова А.Д., Попова О.Д. «Без свобод мы спокойны за нашу жизнь»: Исторические истоки патернализма в российской ментальности......................................................................................36 Борщик Н.Д. Из истории подготовки Второй всероссийской переписи населения (1908 – 1916 годы)...........................................................54 Гусева Ю.Н. Трансграничные связи российских мусульман и их оценка советскими органами государственной безопасности в 1920-е годы ....................................................................................................69 Лиджиева И.В. Организация принудительного переселения калмыцкого народа в декабре 1943 года (по документам Информационного центра МВД по Республике Калмыкия) .........................................90 Россия и мир Тепкеев В.Т. «Велено Кубань Его Царскому Величеству покорить или разорить»: Участие калмыков в Русско-турецкой войне 1710 – 1711 годов..............................................................................103 Соколов А.Р. Русские в Варшаве в 1813 – 1815 годах: От Герцогства Варшавского к Царству Польскому.................................................121 Киличенков А.А. Танки конструкции Дж. Кристи и их судьба в США и СССР (1930-е годы).........................................................................139 Антибольшевистская Россия Ипполитов С.С. Деятельность Российского общества Красного Креста на территории Украины, Кубани и Крыма в 1918 – 1920 годах ..............154 События и судьбы Рычков И.А. Два капитана и их корабли: Из истории Волжского пароходства .....................................................................................168
C O N T E N T S Russian Statehood Ukolova V.I., Shkarenkov P.P. Three Romes in Russian Political and Cultural Tradition: Threat Discourse and Cultural Transfer................................6 Popova A.D., Popova O.D. “Without Freedoms We Are Contented with Our Lives”: The Historical Origins of Paternalism in the Russian Mentality.......................................................................36 Borshchik N.D. From the History of the Preparation for the Second All-Russian Census (1908 – 1916)......................................................54 Guseva Yu.N. The Cross-Border Relations of Russian Muslims and their Assessment by Soviet State Security in the 1920s...............................69 Lidzhieva I.V. The Organization of the Forced Resettlement of the Kalmyk People in December 1943 (From Documents of the Information Center of the Kalmyk Republic Ministry of Internal Affairs).........................90 Russia and the World Tepkeev V.T. «Commanded for the Kuban: Subjugate It to His Tsarist Majesty or Destroy It!»: Participation of Kalmyks in the Russian-Turkish War of 1710 – 1711...................................................................................103 Sokolov A.R. The Russians in Warsaw, 1813 – 1815: From the Duchy of Warsaw to the Kingdom of Poland.....................................................121 Kilichenkov A.A. John Christie’s Tanks and their Fate in the USA and the USSR in the 1930s.............................................................................139 Anti-Bolshevik Russia Ippolitov S.S. The Activity of the Russian Red Cross Society in Ukraine, Kuban Oblast, and the Crimea, 1918 – 1920.....................................154 Landmarks in Human History Rychkov I.A. Two Captains and their Ships: From the History of the Volga Shipping Company.............................................................................168
РОССИЙСКАЯ ГОСУДАРСТВЕННОСТЬ Russian Statehood V.I. Ukolova and P.P. Shkarenkov THREE ROMES IN RUSSIAN POLITICAL AND CULTURAL TRADITION: THREAT DISCOURSE AND CULTURAL TRANSFER* В.И. Уколова, П.П. Шкаренков Три Рима в российской политико-культурной традиции: Дискурс угрозы и культурный трансфер Перевод М.А. Царевой** The Russian political tradition is not limited to the political sphere per se. It always permeates into the polyphonic space of culture, into the spheres of the artistic word’s existence – poetry, literature, architecture, art, and mentality of the masses. Their interaction generates mythologemes, forms systems of images, semiotic series and concepts, reveals the deeper meanings of the phenomena that ensure the stability of the state and society, and, at the same time, enshrines stereotypes of behaviour and response to situations that have a political connotation. The political and cultural aspects conjoin, forming a single political and cultural tradition. It is characterized by iterative semantic orientations, and one of the most persistent of them is continuous recurrence to the “Russia and Europe” range of issues that are of key importance for historical and present-day Russian self-identification. Instead, European civilization, in all its historical modifications, drew on the experience of Ancient Rome as its foundation. This was pointed out by Immanuel Kant: “…if we pursue down to our own times its influence upon the formation and malformation of the Roman People as a political body that swallowed up the Grecian state, and the influence of Rome upon the Barbarians by whom Rome itself was destroyed; … we shall then discover a regular gradation of improvement in civil polity as it has grown up in our quarter of the * Исследование выполнено за счет гранта Российского научного фонда (проект №17-78-30029). = The research was financed with a grant from the Russian Science Foundation (Project No. 17-78-30029). ** Translated by Marina A. Tsareva (Russian State University for the Humanities, Moscow).
globe [Europe. – Authors.], which quarter is in all probability destined to give laws to all the rest…”1 For European consciousness the Roman Empire was an example of civilized universalism, of opposition to barbarism and social chaos. In the Christian world, which grew from the Pах Romana, the image of Rome, the Eternal City, was also vested with special sacrality as the centre of establishment of the throne of St. Peter. To this day the Roman Empire, “resurrected” by Charlemagne, is at times perceived as the prototype of the European Union. Walter Schwimmer, former Secretary General of the Council of Europe, wrote: “This has parallels in the criteria governing European enlargement, in both the Council of Europe and the EU, i.e. ‘acceptance’ of certain basic values, including pluralist democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Above all, belonging to the Empire brought security, enshrined in the Pax Romana.”2 * * * The Old Russian state emerged in a territory where there was no Roman presence, unlike Western Europe aforetime. The Primary Chronicle, however, uses Rome as an important spatial reference point when describing the settlement of the Slavs. And the legend of St. Andrew the First-Called, who visited the would-be centres of the future Old Russian state, mentions that his visit and apostolic prediction of Russia’s glorious future happened when St. Andrew the First-Called was on his way to Rome, the centre of the emerging Christendom. Moreover, the apostle’s recital of the Slavic lands was announced in Rome and astonished those who listened to it.3 Only after that St. Andrew the First-Called continued his travel eastward to Sinop. In the Chronicle Rome is used as a certain historical reference point and as confirmation that the described events really happened. Old Russian statehood began to take shape in the 9th century. The landmarks are the year 862, when the Varangians were called to govern North Slavic lands, and the year 882, when Prince Oleg together with Rurik’s little son Igor came from Novgorod to the banks of the Dnieper and established his authority in Kiev. This created a vast communication space stretching from Novgorod to Kiev, where a new political entity, the Old Russian state, started to take shape. It was the result of the state-forming processes that had evolved during the preceding centuries in the East Slavs’ territories. The emergence of the Old Russian state fairly feeds into the general process of polytogenesis which took place in Europe in the early medieval period. In this process, three stages can be identified. The first stage, between the 5th and 7th centuries, was associated with the establishment of Roman barbarian kingdoms after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. The second stage was marked by the political ambitions of the Carolingians. Charlemagne undertook the first “German unification of Europe”. In 2000, Western Europe celebrated the
1200th anniversary of the coronation of Charlemagne as emperor, who was later proclaimed “the father of Europe”. However, Europe’s new imperial entirety was not preserved. In 843, Charlemagne’s grandchildren gathered in Verdun to partition the empire among them. On its debris there appeared the Kingdom of the West Francs and the Kingdom of the East Francs. The extensive strip of lands from the Netherlands to northern Italy went to the eldest grandson, Lothar, who inherited the title of Holy Roman Emperor. This laid the foundation of three future states – France, Germany and Italy. The fall of the Carolingian Empire signaled the transition to the third stage of early medieval polytogenesis pertaining to the emergence of a new generation of European states proper. In 835, the first Croatian state came into being; the year 842 saw the appearance of the Kingdom of Poland and the year 894, the Czech Kingdom. In the first third of the 9th century the AngloSaxon kingdoms united under the rule of the King of Wessex. In the 9th century, during the Reconquista, the Kingdom of Asturias, which had emerged back in the 8th century, became firmly established in the north of the Iberian Peninsula. On the eve of the 10th century there appeared the Hungarian state. The second half of the 9th century also saw the birth of the Old Russian state. A synchronous process of active polytogenesis is obvious, and the formation of the Old Russian state was an integral part of the process. According to French historian Lucien Musset, “...Europe today still bears the imprint of that great creative period: it undoubtedly spawned as many states as the 19th and 20th centuries. In the very flexible framework that the then Christian world offered them, they could very quickly acquire the status of complete equality with the old kingdoms... And it was actually these young states, born in that period, that took on themselves and mitigated the shock from the next invasion, the Mongolian.”4 Of great importance for the formation of Old Russian statehood was the fact that it evolved in the area of the powerful influence of the Eastern Roman Empire. This empire was the only immediate successor of Ancient Rome’s historical experience which possessed indisputable rights of state, political, legal and cultural inheritance. It is no mere accident that Roman law was codified in the Eastern Roman Empire after the Western Roman Empire had fallen. Incidentally, beginning from the reign of Charlemagne, Europe had an increasing aspiration to catch up the right of “translatio imperii” from the Eastern Roman Empire. Charlemagne called the establishment of his state “renovatio imperii romanorum”. And in 962, German King Otto I, supported by the Pope, proclaimed the foundation of the Holy Roman Empire. From the mid-16th century, European scholars tried to bury in oblivion the name “Eastern Roman Empire”, replacing it with the bookish construct “Byzantium”. So, from its very inception Old Russia inevitably had to come into contact and interact with the Roman civilization in its orientalized version. Some Western philosophers, political analysts and historians still
fault Russia for its “Byzantine heritage”. For instance, the well-known British philosopher Arnold Toynbee wrote, “The Russians have incurred the hostility of the West through being obstinate adherents of an alien civilization, and… this Russian ‘mark of the beast’ was the Byzantine civilization of Eastern Orthodox Christendom.”5 The fact that the rulers of the emerging Old Russian state were allured to Constantinople is quite understandable. At that time the Eastern Roman Empire was the best developed state, a country of very high culture. The magnificence of Eastern Rome was astounding and very attractive. The Primary Chronicle tells that the envoys of Prince Vladimir Svyatoslavich who attended a divine service in the Church of the Holy Wisdom in Constantinople were utterly delighted: “We do not know whether we were in heaven or on the earth.” The original desire of the Kiev princes was to enrich themselves by military campaigns on Constantinople. Princess Olga made an attempt to establish diplomatic relations with Constantinople at the state level. The choice of religion by Prince Vladimir determined Russia’s historical path and civilizational peculiarity. In the 10th century Christendom was not formally divided yet, though differences between the Western Roman Catholic Church and the Eastern Constantinopolitan Church had a centuries-long prehistory. Nevertheless, “the Christian world” was conceived as a community of Christian nations. The Eastern Roman Empire positioned itself as the only preserver of true Orthodoxy, as the spiritual guide possessing the right to led the “Christian world”, contraposing itself to papal Rome. Russia adopted Orthodox Christianity from Byzantium. Christianity of the Byzantine pattern was more in line with the Slavs’ mentality and their psycho-emotional makeup. The adoption of Christianity stabilized Old Russian statehood and, in the long term, facilitated the unification of the nation. During the reign of Prince Vladimir it became obvious that Russia made an attempt to join in some way the Roman imperial tradition in its Eastern version. He entered a matrimonial alliance with Byzantine Porphyrogenitus Princess Anna. It was a great honour. For instance, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire Otto I failed to marry his son to a porphyrogenitus princess. He had to agree to a marriage of his son with a girl from a noble family who had only indirect relation to the imperial house. Having become a son-in-law of the Byzantine emperor, Vladimir dared to mint the gold solid, whereas none of the European sovereigns at that time minted gold coins. It was the Byzantine emperor’s exclusive right. On the head side of the solid Vladimir was depicted wearing the Byzantine crown. While for Prince Vladimir the priority was the union with Byzantium, his son, Yaroslav the Wise, successfully developed relations with many European states. He expanded Russia’s contacts with the ruling houses of Europe. They were consolidated with dynastic marriages and marital unions with members of the most important European families. Take, for example, Yaroslav the Wise’s daughters: Anna became a French queen,
Elizaveta married Norwegian King Harald Hardrade, and Anastasia was given in marriage to the Hungarian King. The Kiev Prince married his sister Maria to the Polish King, while his granddaughter Eupraxia (Adelgeida) married the emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. The Kiev court constantly received ambassadors from different countries of the West and East. Actually, in those remote times Russia, having joined the “Christian world”, defined its limits in the east of Europe, thus hereafter mapping its eastern geographic boundary. At the same time, Yaroslav sought to strengthen his independence from Constantinople. He managed to secure that in 1051, for the first time in history, a Russian, not a Greek, became the Metropolitan of Kiev. Metropolitan Hilarion was the author of Sermon on Law and Grace, which was actually the beginning of the history Russian literature. This work can be defined as the first attempt to present Russia in the context of world history in Christian interpretation. Hilarion divides the entire history of the world into three periods: heathen (pagan darkness), Judaic (the Law of Moses) and Christian (attainment of truth according to the New Testament). Hilarion insisted after the appearance of Christ all peoples on the earth had become equal and therefore no nation could dominate another. However, the Judaic Law declined, “the Romans came and captured Jerusalem and destroyed it to its foundations.”6 It was the punishment for Jerusalem refusing to receive Christ. The Romans in this case were the ministers of God’s chastisement, though they worshiped idols. Hilarion denounced the “pagan” Rome. However, his attitude to the Rome that had adopted Christianity was quite different. The author of Sermon on Law and Grace referred to that Rome, intending to give praise to Prince Vladimir: “Rome, with the voices of praise, praises Peter and Paul... We too, therefore, let us praise to the best of our strength, with our humble praises, him whose deeds were wondrous and great, the kagan of our land, Volodimer, the grandson of Igor of old and the son of the glorious Svyatoslav. When these reigned in their time, their renown spread abroad for their courage and valor, and still they are remembered, renowned even now for their victories and might. For they ruled not some feeble, obscure, unknown land, but in the land of Rus, which is known and renowned to the ends of the earth.”7 Hilarion believed that the land of Russia was equal to Rome. In the late 9th century the political picture of Europe became particularly varied. This affected Old Russia, too, as its centre moved from Kiev to the North-East. In the 13th century, the geopolitical situation in the world underwent a radical transformation. The gains of Genghis-khan, the creator of the Mongolian Empire, and of his successors put an end to the existence of many eastern states from China to the Middle East. In 1237, the Mongolian invasion radically changed the fate of the fragmented Russia. In 1241, the Mongols, having ruined the Principalities of Galich and Volynia in Russia, rushed to Europe. They moved in two avalanches
– through Poland and Hungary. The Mongols reached the suburbs of Vienna and the Adriatic coast, leaving behind devastated lands and carrying death to the local people. However, in the deep rear of the Mongols there were vast Russian lands, ready to resist. The Mongols turned back and left Central Europe. Russia became the shield for the West, protecting it from those whom the Europeans took for the “forerunners of the Apocalypse”. Yet, German Emperor Frederick II, French King Louis IX, and the Roman popes began to seek ways to negotiated with the Mongols.8 Their attempts failed. The See of Rome saw the Russian lands as a shield from the Mongols. Promising the Russian princes support in their fight with the Mongols, the Roman popes, however, demanded an exorbitant price – conversion to Catholicism. This is confirmed by the papal message to Prince Alexander Nevsky which read that if the Russian prince gave up Orthodoxy and entered the Roman Catholic Church, he would be held in special reverence among the other Catholic kings, i.e. he was promised an authoritative footing in the political space of medieval Catholic Europe. At the same time, the promise of support from the papal throne went in parallel with the fact that the popes blessed the onslaught of German knights to the East. North-East Russia found itself crucified between the West and the East. Alexander Nevsky strongly rejected the very possibility of renouncing Orthodoxy. After the Schism of 1054, in the Russian lands there was an increasing antagonism against “Latinism” which was identified with the Catholic West and Rome. The antagonism was primarily of religious nature, behind which there was also an actual political content. This is clearly evident, for instance, in Life of Alexander Nevsky, where the West is called “a country of Roman faith” and the immediate enemies in the Battle of the Neva are called “Romans”. Alexander’s categorical response to the Pope’s envoys from great Rome [Our underlining.]: “We do not accept your teaching.”9 Is not only a statement of rejection of the alien teaching but also a political rebuff. * * * The 14th century saw the beginning of the Gathering of the Lands with the lead of Moscow, which strengthened its position in the alliance with the Horde. At the same time, in Slavic countries such as Serbia and Bulgaria there emerged ideas about a Slavic empire and even the Slavic “Third Rome”, which name was sometimes used for the city of Turnovo. It is not exceptional that echoes of these ideas could have been brought to the Russian lands by wandering monks. But it was not until the 15th century, when the prospect of getting out of submission to the Horde became realistic and that finally happened under Ivan III, that the need arose to comprehend and justify the growing independence of the new statehood and to choose ways for the development of the Moscow state. The idea
of Russia being God’s chosen, excusive land was gaining strength and, what is more, not only in Moscow. Russian merchant Afanasy Nikitin of Tver wrote in his narrative A Journey Beyond Three Seas: “May God keep the Russian land safe! Oh God, save it!.. There is no other country in the world like it.”10 Orthodox Russia took heavily the conclusion of the Florentine Union in 1439, which placed the Orthodox Church in submission to the papal throne. Grand Prince Vasily II and the Russian clergy did not recognize the union, and Metropolitan Isidor who had signed it was deposed. After Constantinople fell to the Turks in 1453, Moscow felt itself to the last stronghold and defender of Orthodoxy, the successor of Constantinople as head of the truly Christian world. Moscow’s acceptance of the universal religious mission inherited from Constantinople, the Second Rome, coincided with Russia’s liberation from the Horde dependence and the process of state centralization, which evolved synchronously with the emergence of national states in Western Europe. In the last third of the 15th century, Europe was surprised to discover in its east a new vast and powerful state – the Moscow Principality, or Muscovy. Prominent Russian historian Vasily Klyuchevsky wrote: “The completion of the gathering of northeastern Russian lands by Moscow transformed the Moscow Principality into a great national state and thus assigned the Grand Prince of Moscow the status of the national Grand Russian Sovereign.”11 The formation of the unified Moscow state took place synchronously with the emergence of centralized states in Western Europe. Thus, for instance, in 1477, French King Louis XI after the victory at Nancy annexed the Duchy of Burgundy, the last major stronghold of resistance to the national unification of France. In 1477, Ivan III marched forth against the rebellious Veliky Novgorod. In January 1478, Veliky Novgorod surrendered, and its independence was crushed. Its symbol, the veche bell, was taken down form the bell tower and transported to Moscow. This was followed by the “great stand” on the Ugra River and the final liberation from the Horde dependence, and also by the siege of Tver in 1485 and its transfer to the power of the Grand Prince of Moscow. In the same year of 1485, the War of the Roses ended in England. Henry VII Tudor ascended the royal throne, and his rule signaled the transition of England to a new form of state government – absolutism. In the state-building process Ivan III relied not only on the church and religious experience of the Second Rome, but also on its state and political knowhow, supporting it with his marriage to a member of the Byzantine imperial family. Ivan III started the “return” of the Moscow state to Europe. This is confirmed by diplomatic correspondence with the Habsburgs, treaties with the Baltic states, the steads, Poland and Moldavia. The international recognition of the Moscow state is evidenced by the fact that “...the Grand Prince of Moscow – even before the formal ceremony of coronation is introduced in Russia! – can be called emperor: from the late 15th century Grand Prince Ivan III is called so in the treaties with