Dark matter and trojan horses. A strategic design vocabulary = Темная материя и троянские кони. Словарь стратегического дизайна



ДАН ХИЛЛ

ТЕМНАЯ МАТЕРИЯ И ТРОЯНСКИЕ КОНИ

СЛОВАРЬ СТРАТЕГИЧЕСКОГО ДИЗАЙНА




3-е издание (электронное)







Москва «Стрелка Пресс» 2017

DAN HILL
DARK MATTER AND TROJAN HORSES

A STRATEGIC DESIGN VOCABULARY




3-rd edition (electronic)







Moscow Strelka Press 2017

УДК 72
ББК 85
    H66


     Hill, Dan.
H66     Dark matter and trojan horses. A strategic design vocabulary = Тем     ная материя и троянские кони. Словарь стратегического дизайна [Электронный ресурс] / D. Hill. — 3-rd ed. (el.). — Electronic text data (1 file pdf : 149 p.). — М. : Strelka Press, 2017. — System requirements: Adobe Reader XI or Adobe Digital Editions 4.5 ; screen 10".
         ISBN 978-5-9903364-3-8
         We live in an age of sticky problems, whether it’s climate change or the decline of the welfare state. With conventional solutions failing, a new culture of decision-making is called for. Strategic design is about applying the principles of traditional design to «big picture» systemic challenges such as healthcare, education and the environment. It redefines how problems are approached and aims to deliver more resilient solutions. In this short book, Dan Hill outlines a new vocabulary of design, one that needs to be smuggled into the upper echelons of power. He asserts that, increasingly, effective design means engaging with the messy politics — the «dark matter» — taking place above the designer’s head. And that may mean redesigning the organization that hires you.

УДК 72
ББК 85

     The source print publication: Dark matter and trojan horses. A strategic design vocabulary / D. Hill. — Moscow : Strelka Press, 2014. — 148 p. — ISBN 978-0-9929-1463-9.


ISBN 978-5-9903364-3-8

© Strelka Institute for Media, Architecture and Design, 2014

This essay is written from a personal perspective, though my colleagues at Sitra ’s Strategic Design Unit — Bryan Boyer, Justin W Cook and Marco Steinberg — have been hugely influential in terms of my thinking, and much of what follows is based on daily conversations with them, as well as our projects. Numerous other conversations with numerous other people, in and out of various projects over the last 15 years, have also informed this essay. My thanks to them too.

                WHAT IS THE PROBLEM?




BACKDROP
When I started writing this essay, Athens was burning again. Muammar Gaddafi had been killed the day before. Occupy Wall Street was in its sixth week of protest in downtown Manhattan, its participants growing in number every day such that it has effectively become a curious melange of a functioning shanty town with celebrity endorsement and global media presence, in what is a private space, Zuccotti Park.
    The Occupy movement had spread worldwide, from small, almost timid protests in my hometown of Helsinki, to violent running battles with police on the streets of Rome. More than 950 cities took part in a coordinated global protest on 15 October 2011 across 82 countries, five months after the first Occupy protest in Spain. Some 500,000 people took part in the 15 October protest in Madrid alone (in Spain, almost half of all youth are unemployed). Unified by the #occupy hashtag and the slogan “We are the 99%”, the movement continues to grow.
    A few months earlier, from 6 to 10 August 2011, many towns and cities in the UK — mainly in London, Birmingham and Manchester — suffered violent riots of a scale and ferocity that had not been seen for a generation, if ever. While the UK was briefly close to breakdown in the early 1980s, and had witnessed mass protests and unrest many times before, the nature of the rioting, looting and arson attacks in August was essentially unprecedented as their cause was not clear.

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     Whereas the earlier poll tax riots and miners’ strikes, for example, had a clear ideological disagreement at their heart, these riots seemed to be about something else. But what, exactly? After the recriminations and finger pointing, we are no closer to an answer. Explanations offered veer between feckless nihilism, moral breakdown and consumer culture, through to the belief that an entire generation has been systematically disenfranchised and discarded by 30 years of neoliberal social and economic policy. Either way, the cause was so deeply embedded, so fundamental, as to appear beyond the core capacity of government itself.
     This last year has also seen the Arab Spring unfolding across north Africa, with Tunisia and Egypt undergoing revolutions, Libya in civil war, civil uprisings in Bahrain, Syria and Yemen, and numerous other countries and states witnessing major protests — Algeria, Iraq, Jordan, Morocco and Oman among them.
     In July 2011, the USA was hours away from “shutting down government”, due to its own inability to agree on appropriate levels of federal government spending. The episode is expected to be played out again at the next opportunity.
     Japan, the world’s third largest economy, careers from political crisis to environmental disaster. The world’s-largest-economy-in-waiting, China, despite a millennium of practiced statecraft behind it, still faces an awkward developmental road ahead, pitted with the inequality and social unrest familiar to previous episodes of mass urbanisation.
     When I finished writing this piece, Occupy Wall Street was still occupying Wall Street, despite the slowly falling temperatures. Similarly Occupy movements around the world were continuing to dig in. Yet it was Oakland, California that was now burning, because of the increasingly violent clashes between the Occupy Oakland

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protesters and police, after a 3000-strong march had more or less shut down the fifth busiest port in the US.
     Two days before, the G20 summit had failed to strike any kind of deal to resolve the eurozone debt crisis. The summit had been described as a “make-or-break” moment.
     It broke.
     The same day, the UK thinktank Demos published research indicating that the far-right was on the rise across Europe. The Guardian reported “a continent-wide spread of hardline nationalist sentiment among the young, mainly men. Deeply cynical about their own governments and the EU, their generalised fear about the future is focused on cultural identity.” The data was gathered before the worsening of the eurozone debt crisis from September 2011. Were these movements the counterpoint to Occupy, similarly poised to fill the gaps emerging where mainstream political practice used to be?
     As I write, up to 50,000 people are on the streets of Moscow and around 50 other Russian cities, defying the cold and threat of crackdown to protests against the prime minister Vladimir Putin, amid allegations of election fraud.
     George Papandreou, the Greek prime minister, has just been removed in favour of a new coalition government, after proposing a referendum on new austerity measures and membership of the euro. In his speech announcing the cancellation of the referendum, he said: “I believe deeply in democracy.” The referendum was considered by Europe’s leaders to be too dangerous to be deployed.
     A few days later, Italy — where Silvio Berlusconi, the country’s longest serving prime minister, had finally been forced out (not by voters but by the markets) — joined Greece in being led by unelected “technocrats”, in something of an implicit snub to democracy itself.

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       “The sidelining of elected politicians in the continent that exported democracy to the world was, in its way, as momentous a development as this week’s debt market turmoil.” (Financial Times, 12 November 2011)
     As the journalist Gillian Tett admitted: “The situation calls for very firm, forward-looking action that is almost impossible in a rowdy democratic political system at the moment.” (The Guardian, 11 November 2011)
     When this sorry scene, too rowdy for democracy, is viewed in comparison with the last decade’s rapid economic growth in emerging economies, often with very different cultures of decision-making, the sense of despair is somehow sharper.
CRISIS
Common to all of these stories — from violent, sometimes randomly directed explosions of civil unrest to carefully targeted peaceful protest — is this lack of faith in core systems. The systems in question could not be more fundamental, encompassing the economic foundations of western development to the particular structures of governance and representation in all of the countries concerned, and essentially democracy itself.
     At its most visceral, we see this lack of faith manifested in violence, and strikingly similar footage has been shot on the streets of London, Athens, Cairo and New York. We must be careful to pick apart the different drivers of each, yet we can also understand them all as distrust, disbelief and dismay with existing systems.
     In Athens, smoke from burning cars and litter bins mixes with billowing shrouds of tear gas because of another austerity bill being awkwardly manoeuvred through the Greek parliament. The riots across England were triggered by the shooting of Mark Duggan in

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Tottenham, north London, by the police, and exacerbated by similar austerity measures to those in Greece. With the Arab Spring, the drivers concern fundamental political models rather than economic hardship as such, whereas the Occupy movement directly addresses the core ideologies and practices underpinning a globalised economy. Occupy is global in outlook, shifting positions subtly but still expressing a lack of faith in a loosely defined “system”.
     These protests, many of which are not violent, are not the work of “a disconnected underclass”. The BBC’s economics editor, Paul Mason, in his blog post “Twenty Reasons Why it’s Kicking Off Everywhere”, described a new sociological type — “the graduate with no future” — later going on to describe the “economic permafrost” (apparently a phrase coined internally at HSBC) underpinning Occupy Everywhere.
     The International Labour Organisation’s report The World of Work 2011 (based on Gallop World Poll Data 2011) finds significant drops in “People reporting confidence in their national government, 2006 to 2010” in so-called advanced economies. Everywhere except sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America saw a diminished confidence in their national government with South Asia the most pronounced. The presence of Asian countries, as the new fulcrum of global economic activity, indicates that it is not easy to make a straightforward link between lack of confidence and poor economic performance.

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